Malala Complex

As an educationalist, it is natural that I should support Malala Yousafzai's right to have an education. This is further reinforced by our common Pashtun heritage. She is also from Swat, so this resonates even deeper. I am genuinely proud to see her stand on a world platform - at the UN General Assembly in New York - and confidently address an international audience. My first reaction? Very impressed. She is one of us and her campaign is a morally justified one. She is a Pashtana. She is a Swati. She is still only young (having turned 16 on July 12th). She is a survivor of one of the most horrendous crimes to have occurred in recent times. She is truly inspirational when it comes to a positive Pashtun image on the international platform. I support this wholeheartedly. Malala is so right when she says: "One child, one teacher, one pen and one book can change the world. Education is the only solution. Education First."

Beyond this, however, it becomes more complex. The doctors and nurses who treated her, are not mentioned and Kainaat and Shazia, who were shot with her have not attracted the same media attention, whilst there are others who are leaching off the 'Malala effect'. The celebs gathering around her, are often simply promoting themselves. Madonna, stripped to her bare skin last year in one of her concerts in solidarity to the girl. The paradox? Malala, like most Pashtanas appears modestly dressed in public. Gordon Brown is not the only politician to have made mileage out of her tragedy. The contradiction? Four years ago, whilst still in Swat, she wanted to be a doctor, not a politician. Sure she was young and politics has a place in bringing about wider change, but it is now much more complex than a case of girl who single handedly took on the Taliban.

As a Pashtun, my first reaction is to want to protect her - not 'smother' her, as could happen in our male-dominated set-up. As an educationalist, I want to take her campaign and make it universal. As an individual, I want her to succeed and grew up to be a contributing member of society. As a political cynic, I wish the politics around her would go away, and this is where I see the difficulty in her campaign. The well-crafted speech that Malala delivered at the UN had many, many merits but the conservative reaction in Pakistan and Afghanistan continues to be part of the challenge. The Taliban still draws sympathy from those who have not benefited from the US presence in Afghanistan and the damaging ripple effect this creates in Pakistan.

They will see personalities - actors, singers, politicians, liberals etc. who will use their own Malala campaigns - as something very alien.  It serves to cloud the cause for universal education - and for the Yousafzai's delegitimizes their position and potentially damage the long-term good. Ziauddin Yousafzai, Malala's father, was - in the end - forced to distance her from her own people and take his family out of Swat. They are now in the hands of outsiders; outsiders with their own agendas.

I hope I am wrong and that the education is not entirely lost to the politics because the cause remains noble. 

Read Malala's Speech in Full.

Pakistan: Vote for Change?

At the point of writing, there are few surprises following the election in Pakistan. The process has been marred by violence, and the sad deaths of dozens. There have been allegations of coercion, vote rigging and polling stations closing early or not allowing people to cast their vote. For Pakistan though, the election presents something of a democratic milestone. For the first time since the country was founded in 1947, the outgoing government was the first civilian government to have lasted its term without dismissal or a military coup. This is an achievement, no less, though even at this point, whilst some votes are being counted, the people seem to have made their choice. 

Out goes the PPP (Pakistan People's Party), and in comes the PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League, Nawaz Sharif). This is the usual passing of the baton between the ruling parties. The dauphin, stealthily waiting in the wings was of course, Imran Khan, ex-cricketer and  leader of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (the Justice Party). His campaign trail invited the attention of the media and caught the attention of Pakistan's youth (46% of whom are aged between 18 and 29). In the Pashtun heartlands, in particular Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the provincial government led by the ANP (Awaami National Party) has been voted out and replaced by the Tehreek-e-Insaaf. Both Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan's assembly will be made up of a mix of parties, but in south, PKMAP (Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awaami Party) are set to take the larger portion of seats.

So what does this all mean? Well it means, that whilst this election was fought on the ticket of change, some things will remain remarkably the same. Nawaz Sharif is set to return as Prime Minister - despite being dismissed twice, jailed and exhiled, for, amongst other things, corruption and mismanagement. His clear rival, on the home patch was Imran Khan who at least at the urban youth level, had the potential to split the PML vote. This has largely not affected the result in the Punjab which has traditionally been safe PML territory. Sindhis in Pakistan will vote along tribal and ethnic lines and the MQM in Karachi will pick up the Urdu-speaking/Mohajir vote. In short, not much has changed.

The change of personnel, will be seen mostly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa where the nationalist ANP could not capture the mood of its traditional support base. That has gone to the Tehreek-e-Insaaf and really should be the talk of the election. The question is why and to understand what is deliverable. The ousted Awaami National Party claims the inheritence of Bacha Khan's legacy - nationalist, focussed on Pashtun issues, traditionally pro-Afghanistan and non-antagonistic towards India. The Tehreek-e-Insaaf is less clear about the latter issues, but has made a ticket of opposing one of the main issues of the present time - that of unmanned drones, said to target the militants along the Af-Pak border, but often making ordinary civilians the victims. This is one of the key points of appeal, and that of Imran Khan's rock-star-like persona which appeals to a young voting public, keen on change. Beyond this, it is difficult to determine what else seperates the PTI from PML. Ideologically there is considerable shared common ground and therefore arguably, despite the different guises and the recent banter between their respective leaderships, politically speaking they appear to offer more of the same. A key common ground between the PTI and the PML is their relationships with the ISI (Pakistan's notorious intellignce agency) and a conservative affliation with the Taliban.

The 2014 NATO/US withdrawal in Afghanistan is set to create a number of possible scenarios. One of those may be a resurgent Taliban. How, the new central power in Pakistan, and the new provincial power in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's percieved appeasement of the Taliban plays out is yet to be seen. My vote, however, rests with the people. Pashtuns are a conservative folk - I live with that. But they are remarkably open, accomodating and egalitarian. Contrast this with the rest of Pakistan which voted largely on tribal, traditional or ethnic lines. It this Pashtun notion of fair play that has returned a PTI victory in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. We're willing to give the promisers at PTI central, their chance. 

What I would like to see, is not just the stopping of drones, but genuine economic and social prosperity for the Pashtuns, lifting of educational standards and moves towards recognition of our history and language. Pashtuns have been used as cannon fodder in someone else's war for long enough. Outwardly, unless the PTI or PML can change the outlook of the army or the ISI, I am not sure how this can change for Pashtuns either in Pakistan or Afghanistan. Right now, we watch and wait to see what will follow.

Pakhwa پخوا

Periodically we need to take a look back and so we do with the lyrics and title پخوا for this song by Ismail and Junaid. They combine rock guitars with the rubâb and blend tradition with a contemporary sound. The appeal factor, for me, however, are the words written by Hamza Shinwari Baba. An excellent ode to the Pashto language.

This video begins with a title slide that is a reminder that many have lost their lives in the turmoil in Pakistan and Afghanistan.  We should not let ourselves forget.

Find Ismail and Junaid on Facebook.

Video Credits:

Pakhwa by Ismail and Junaid
Tune Composition: Ismail Khan / Rafiq Shinwari
Poetry: Hamza Shinwari
D.O.P: Bilal Farooq & Haseeb Shah
Directed by: Shoaib Anwar / Jawad Zeb
Edited by: Shoaib Anwar

لر او بر یو افغان

The last will and testament in the title of this poem is very apt and a fine reminder of where we are. It comes from this fine collection of poems by Basheer Ghowakh that I have been reading of late and is an appeal for unity for Pashtuns, Lar and Bar - from Pakistan and Afghanistan. Given that the Pashtun masses face multiple challenges and that all is not well on the home patch, a periodic reminder of what binds us in commonality is no bad thing. This poem is especially poignant as it takes the form of a short piece of advice given to the poet by the Sun - a waseeat. The message contained herein makes a lot of sense.

تور خان

 وصیت

بشیر ګواښ

دا د تېر

مازیګري لمر

په تلو تلو کې

راته وایي

سره یو شئ لرو برو

کنه زما په شان ډوبېږئ

ښايسته افغانستان

ښايسته افغانستان
This song by Zeek Afridi is one of my favourites at the moment. Enjoy.

تور خان

Check out this post with a similar title, sung by Shafiq Mureed. 

The Durand Line

The matter of legitimacy in Pakistan is a sensitive subject and perhaps that is one of the reasons that I've never really been drawn into a protracted discussion on the Durand Line. However, in the same way I see India as a broader historical entity than a supposed 'Hindu' country that begins in 1947 at the Wagah Border, I think it is natural to consider my identity as a Pashtun in the broader sense; that is Afghanistan as a natural homeland and in the historic and etymological sense, Pashtun = Afghan.

It is this view of historical identity that is a sensitivity in Pakistan and is key in shaping its foreign policy. In Pakistan, the simplified version in their school textbooks is that they were carved out of British Indian territory in 1947 as a Muslim homeland. However, that would be the story for less than half of modern Pakistan, as Pakistan did not comprise Indian territory alone. Afghan territory (the Frontier/North West Frontier) under the Durand Agreement of 1893 ceded to British India was also included in Pakistan in 1947. The Durand agreement between Moritmer Durand and the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan remains heavily disputed - the claim being that it was 'forced' under duress.  

To date, the Durand Line which bisects the historic Pashtun lands remains toxic to security and economic advancement in the region. Afghanistan has never recognised it as an international boundary. Pakistan's Afghan policy, on the other other hand, has been shaped by military generals who have attempted to distract regional nationalism amongst the Pashtun and Baloch  by backing militant groups; even when this runs counter to their own domestic security. That said, despite Islamabad's bankrolling of the Afghan Taliban, the Durrand Line was not ratified as an international border during the Taliban's watch in the 1990s. This however, hasn't appeared to have changed Pakistan's policy pursuit - international commentators note that Islamabad is ready to tolerate the domestic Taliban in order to keep alive its strategic depth policy in the aftermath of NATO's withdrawal.

Afghan foreign policy still views Pakistan as artificial construct that will one day dissolve in the face of the multiple conflicts within its society. A similar point was echoed to me last year in Kabul when I met with senior members of the Afghan administration.

The disputes in the region remain territorial based on past histories. There is another aspect - one of identity which ultimately many fall back into - that cannot be ignored. One day NATO will have to go. And so it should. However, consider this comment from the LA Times:

A plausible scenario upon the large-scale departure of international troops in 2014 is either disintegration into civil conflict or a de facto division of power along ethnic lines, with a Pakistan-backed Pashtun bloc in the south and east lining up against one or more northern non-Pashtun blocs that might well gain military support from India and Uzbekistan, if not Iran. Recent signs indicate that many key players are already rushing to consolidate their positions within this framework, already operating, for all intents and purposes, in a post-2014 world.

 

Ghazala Javed غزاله جاوید

I saw Ghazala Javed غزاله جاوید in concert a little over a year ago and she held the stage with a real presence - combining talent, beauty and grace. The news, therefore, of her death stuns me all the more.

Ghazala's death has generated world-wide media interest and various sources have reported the events of her death (alongside her father) as a domestic 'honour' killing, rather than an act traced to the Taliban in Pakistan's restive north. Ghazala's popularity stemmed Pakistan, Afghanistan, the UAE and across the Pashtoon diaspora. Coming at a young age, her death puts her alongside the many media icons whom I have periodically honoured for being forever known for their youth, beauty and voice.

Inalillahi wa ina illahi rajioun. Of course, the many unnamed people across the world who are killed and injured daily in various acts of violence are not forgotten and I hold a thought for each and all. From Allah we came and to Allah we return. May she rest in peace.

تور خان

Malalai of Maiwand

The setting for Dr Watson's injuries (from the Sherlock Holmes stories) was on the Maiwand battlefield, one of the principle battles of the Second Anglo-Afghan War. Whilst the character was clearly fiction, the battle was real and one of the heroes of that battle was a woman, killed on the battlefiled, known as Malalai of Maiwand د معيړند ملالۍ. Although it is Ayub Khan who became known as the Victor of Maiwand, it is said that it was Malalai (or Malala) who actually saved the day.

British sources, unsurprisingly, do not mention Malalai. Her actions may not have been noticed by any of the British, or they may not have seemed as consequential as they were to the Afghans. Afghan women are very rarely mentioned at all so it is interesting that Afghan men who should honour her actions and turn her into a national hero who is still revered today. 

Malalai came from Khig, a small village not far from the Maiwand battlefield, and was the daughter of a shepard. Both her father and fiancée had joined with Ayub's army in the attack on the British on July 27th 1880 (which some say was also her wedding day), and like many women, Malalai was there to help tend to the wounded and provide water and spare weapons. Eventually there came a point in the battle where the Afghan army, despite their superior numbers, started to lose morale and the tide seemed to be turning in favour of the British. Seeing this, Malalai shouted out:

که په میـــوند کـې شهـــید نـــه شـــوی
خدایګو ﻻلـیه بـې ننـګۍ ته دی سـاتینه

"Young love! If you do not fall in the battle of Maiwand,
By God, someone is saving you as a symbol of shame!"

This gave many of the Afghan fighters and ghazis a new resolve and they redoubled their efforts. At that moment one of the leading flag-bearers fell from a British bullet, and Malalai went forward and held up the flag (some versions say she made a flag out of her veil), singing a landay:

خــــال بـــه دیـــار لـــه ویـــنو کیــــږدم
چــــې شینکي باغ کې ګــــل ګلاب وشــــرمویـنه
که په میـــــوند کـــې شهـــید نـــه شـــوی
خــــدایګو ﻻلــــیه بې ننـــګۍ ته دي ســـاتینه

"With a drop of my sweetheart's blood,
Shed in defense of the Motherland,
Will I put a beauty spot on my forehead,
Such as would put to shame the rose in the garden."

But then Malalai was herself struck down and killed. However, her words had spurred on her countrymen and soon the British lines gave way, broke and turned, leading to a disastrous retreat back to Kandahar and the biggest defeat for the Anglo-Indian army in the Second Afghan War. Ayub Khan afterwards gave a special honour to Malalai and she was buried at her village, where her grave can still be found.

 

Malalai - Afghan Heroine of Maiwand by Garen C Ewing licensed under Creative Commons

Equal All?

There have always been acts of atrocity that have shaken us to the bone and in this day and age, the media moves in as some kind of catalyst so that the shock, condemnation and outpouring is magnified whenever a news-breaking actions occur. In and amongst we ask the searching questions about WHY these events happen. But do we learn, and can we then use this to prevent what may happen in the future? I am not sure that we can in every circumstance. The individual human condition is such that the chain of triggers that lead to a 'rampage' such as the shootings in Kandahar a few weeks ago cannot truly be predicted and everyone has a different breaking point. Of course, that is not an excuse - it is, however, an attempt to understand.

A thought ...

The 'rogue' American soldier, Sgt Robert Bales, who went on a killing spree in Kandahar was removed by the US from Afghanistan almost as soon as he was identified. Early reports claimed that the stress of events in the war led to a build up before he finally 'snapped'. Kandaharis reporting back to Hamid Karzai, claim that this was not a lone act and there are voices asking for the soldier to be handed over to the Afghans. Increasingly - though clearly very much in place from the beginning of this conflict - the balance of power in this conflict is not about who is morally right, but who is economically more powerful. If Afghanistan - a sovereign country - was invaded by the US because the Taliban refused to hand over Osama Bin Laden, is Afghanistan equally in the moral position to send Afghan soldiers to the US to invade so that a wanted man who is being protected by the state, is also handed over?

 Graphic taken from mcclatchydc.com

Memories From My Archive

Without much fanfare, I thought I'd share some selected pictures that I took during my trips through Afghanistan and Pakistan  last year. They come from a slightly larger collection that were sitting on my hard-drive. No people, no commentary. Just a few captures that I thought that were blog worthy.

Taken using my Olympus SP800UZ.

Sacrilege

Eventually there is a tipping point. The Afghan protests following the burning of the Quran by Americans in Baghram have escalated and have broken out across the country. Several deaths - first Afghan and now American - and a NATO shut-down have not slowed down the outrage.

Photo: MSNBC

The key to understanding the reaction to these events is simple. Muslims revere the Quran. Afghans are Muslim. Americans, allegedly trying to prevent Afghans in detention passing messages to insurgents deemed as Taliban sympathisers, incinerated copies of the Quran that were supposedly being used to pass on messages. The truth about the Afghans held in detention and to whom the messages were going was handled insensitively and with disrespect. US officials, even up to the US President himself have made attempts to apologise. In reality, however apologies don't always work, especially if they are seen as token and tensions are already high due to an over-long and unpopular occupation. The truth is the Afghan insurgency gains strength from just this sort of action.

Déjà vu

One day the Americans will need to leave Afghanistan and a dignified exit would always be the best way to go. The problem with occupation is that it is closely coupled with arrogance and the message that should be learned is that respect and humility is good. Neither have been shown and this is bound to accelerate calls for the Americans to go. History is testament to the fact that in Afghanistan, eventually, it is the Afghan way that prevails.

The Boys Who Walked to Europe

This pains me and impresses me at the same time. Leaves us with a lot of food for thought.  

Out of Afghanistan: the boys who walked to Europe 

Behind the security bars of a spartan, white-tiled room, 25 youths are arranging bedrolls on the floor. The workers on the Salvation Army nightshift, who watch over these lone foreign teenagers in a shelter in a gritty corner of Paris, are distributing sheets and sleeping bags; there are a couple of boys from Mali and a contingent of Bangladeshis; the rest have travelled overland, by every conceivable method, from Afghanistan. The youngest are 13 years old, pint-sized cousins from Kabul who arrived that morning after a journey of five months. They take off their trainers and place them at the end of their bedrolls. One of them, Morteza, gingerly peels off his socks. The undersides of his toes are completely white. I ask what happened to his feet.

"Water," he says. Where was he walking in water? Mohammed, the boy on the next bedroll who knows more English, translates. "In the mountains," he says. Which mountains, I ask, thinking about the range that forms the border between Turkey and Iran. "Croatia, Slovenia, Italy,'' Morteza says. Mohammed intervenes. "Not water,'' he clarifies. "Snow." Suddenly I understand. Morteza's feet are not waterlogged or blistered. He has limped across Europe with frostbite. Morteza's 13-year-old cousin Sohrab, pale and serious beyond his years, recounts, in English learned during two years of school in Afghanistan, what happened. 

"Slovenia big problem,'' he says, explaining how he and Morteza, "my uncle's boy'', were travelling with eight adults when they were intercepted by the Slovenian police. Two members of their group were caught and the rest made a detour into the mountains. They spent five days in the snow, navigating by handheld GPS, emerging from the Alps in Trento, in the Italian north. Morteza acquired frostbite on the penultimate part of a 6,000km journey that detoured through the Balkans: through Macedonia, Serbia and Croatia. Their aim is to join their uncle who lives in Europe, after Morteza's father was killed in an explosion. His mother died earlier "in the war''; Sohrab lost his own father when he was 11.

Morteza and Sohrab are among the world's most vulnerable migrants. Like scores of Afghan teenagers in transit across Europe, they are in flight from violence or the aftershocks of violence that affect children in particularly harsh ways. Those who turn up in Paris have spent up to a year on the road, on the same clandestine routes as adults, but at far greater risk. No one knows how many unaccompanied Afghan children have made it to Europe. Paris took in just over 300 in 2011 – the biggest nationality among the 1,700 lone foreign minors in its care. Sarah Di Giglio, a child-protection expert with Save the Children in Italy, says that at 4,883 in 2010, Afghans were the biggest group of separated foreign children requesting asylum in Europe. 

Adapted from this story from the Guardian, Jan 2012. 

Photograph: Ed Alcock/MYOP 

Payam-e-Mashreq: Message from the East

For a while now, I have been dipping into Allama Iqbal's poetry. A graduate of Cambridge University, Sir Muhammed Iqbal (1837 - 1938, British India), was popularly known as Allama Iqbal (the learned Iqbal) and remains a famed poet, philosopher, lawyer and political activist whose works in Urdu and Farsi have left a profound influence in the subcontinent and beyond.

In Pakistan he is considered a Muslim revivalist and in Afghanistan and Iran, he carries the honorific title or Eghbal-e-Lahori - Iqbal of Lahore. 

Amongst his famed works is the Payam-e-Mashreq (Message from the East) from which this quatrain, is taken.

دل من روشن از سوز درون است

جهان بین چشم من از اشک خون است

از رمز زندگی بیگانه تر باد

کسی کو عشق را گوید جنون است

Dil man roshan az soz darun ast

Jahan bin chasham man as ashk khoon ast

Az ramz zindagee beegana tar bad

Kisee ko ashiq ra goweed janoon ast

My heart is alight with the burning within

I see the world though blood-stained tears

The search for life mysteries alienates us further from breath
For some love is said to be madness

Kabul: A City At Work

In my trawls through blogs of note, I came across this one. Away from the news of the war and the political uncertainties, these short films offer a glimpse into life and work in Kabul, Afghanistan. I chose the film here because it features a version of a soundtrack that is connected to an early memory of mine. The song "Yema da Truck Driver" is a light-hearted song, that brings a little smile back to me as I remember hearing this on cassette tape way back when. The version that I know from the movie, Orbal, is available here.

Being a jingle truck painter, is a contemporary art form. What better than to recognise this here:

Tor_Khan تور خان

Ahmad Shah Bābā احمد شاه بابا

Ahmad Shah Durrani احمد شاه درانی (born in 1722 either in Herat or Multan; died in 1773, Kandahar), also known as Ahmad Shāh Abdālī احمد شاه ابدالي was the founder of the Durrani Afghan Empire is regarded by many to be the founder of the modern state of Afghanistan when he united the land in 1747.

Born as Ahmad Khan, Ahmad Shah rose quickly to become a commander of four thousand Abdali (later known as Durrani) Pashtoon soldiers following his enlistment in the military of the Afsharid kingdom. In June 1747 following the death of Nader Shah Afshar of Persia, Ahmad Shah became the the Emir of Khorasan. Able to mobilise the Pashtoon tribes and allies, he pushed east towards the Mughal and the Maratha Empire of India as well as west towards the disintegrating Afsharid Empire of Persia and north toward the Khanate of Bukhara.

Within a few years he had conquered all of today's Afghanistan and much of northeastern Iran. After a failed attempt to gain the Panjab in 1748, Ahmad Shah returned two years later and displaced Mir Mannu, the Mughal-heir apparent and governor of Panjab. His incursions into India roused the oppostion of the Sikhs and the Maratha rulers on several occasions leading to the defeat of the Marathas eight times, including the major victory at the 1761 Battle of Panipat which was fought north of Delhi.

Western advances of the Sikhs, better organised and disciplined in opposition led to Ahmad Shah returning to Panjab in 1764 and 1767 to defend Lahore, but the threat of internal strife and mutiny of his troops over pay, meant that on his retreat, Lahore was eventually taken followed by the Sikh advance further into Panjab. Ahmad Shah focused his efforts on retaining hold of Peshawar and the country west of Attock. Even today, for Afghans who oppose the British laid Durrand Line, these areas would still be included in a "Greater Afghanistan".  

Ahmad Shah's mausoleum is located in Kandahar, Afghanistan, adjacent to the famous Mosque of the Cloak of the Prophet Mohammed PBUH in the center of the city. Today he referred to as Ahmad Shah Bābā, احمد شاه بابا,  the Father of Afghanistan and the man who united the Pashtoons into one country.

International Day of Peace

21st September. Peace Day.

Dedicated to everyone. Click here to find out more.

First of all:

إنا لله وإنا إليه راجعون

 
There was another high profile assassination in Afghanistan on the eve of International Peace Day. There's a long history of 'blame' in the ongoing Afghan conflict, but right now, let us remember all those who have suffered. May Allah continue to inspire hope and determination to people wherever they may be in the cause for peace and reconciliation.

My feelings remain mixed about the some of the over-simplified representation of this day. I really want the day to have significance. The possibilities post-peace makes the struggle for it worthy of high priority attention. But somewhere I think two things on this website sit uncomfortably with me. Firstly, I not so forgiving of Europeans who overlook the fact that people in conflict zones need to have a full stake in their own peace. Don't get me wrong - every little bit helps, but peace is not something that can be delivered by the egos of pop star and celebrity appearances (who often seemingly miss the point). But the other question which arises, and one that I think is crucial, is the one that asks, "How can we have peace when the causes for disharmony and division are not part of the dialogue for peace?"

Theme continued in the next posting.

Never Ending Story

11.9.11

Do I dare put on the television, switch on my computer or pick up a newspaper on a day like this? I, like millions across the globe, have expressed sadness and regret for what happened on this date 10 years ago and how the death and destruction associated with this date continue to haunt us.

The constant media reminders turn the 9/11 attacks into a tragic story of division and misery seemingly without end and this is the thing that troubles me the most. Any credible observer would come to the conclusion that Afghanistan and Pakistan have been brought to their knees by the war on terror and the Pashtoons have suffered the 'most' from the aftermath. 

This isn't about forgetting, but letting go. Last year I wrote: 

I hope that in letting go, we reach an understanding that all is not what it appears. I hope that the innocent are not punished for that that they didn't do. I hope that those with power understand that we must ensure the safety of each other ...

... And I hope that one day when we are free, we fully understand that collectively we are the custodians of the Earth and that collectively our freedom, prosperity and peace are mutual.

Dedicated to Ahmed Omed Khpulwak, BBC Pashto Journalist, killed by a US solider who 'mistook' him for a suicide bomber, July 2011.

 احمد اميد خپلواک

Textbook Conversations

Shuttling between Kabul, Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Attock, Karachi, Abu Dhabi and Manchester over a period of four days is pretty hectic. Several flights, taxi rides, meetings, dinners and family formalities later, I take the opportunity to reflect on conversations that I've had with people. Briefly I want to consider Pakistan - damaged by internal strife, poor international press and yet still trying to build an image for itself.

I'm always willing to learn in order to understand more, but that does not mean I passively accept everything that is said. I had an interesting dinner in Islamabad, where the host accepted that Pakistan had a poor public image but his view was that Pakistan survived despite aggressive policies by greater enemies because of Allah's protection and that the neighbours - India and Afghanistan could not be trusted. I heard a similar view in Karachi - that India was ready to 'attack' Pakistan. Rather than contemplate the failings within, the commonality was one of finger-pointing and feeling sorry that Pakistan had failed to live up to its founder's ideals. In short the view was that the country was misrepresented and misunderstood and that the leaders were little more than stooges for the UK and the US. 

I have a family connection to Pakistan, but I have always been a little ambivalent about what the country stands for - and whilst I always want it to be better for the common people, I don't claim to be automatically forgiving. As much as I try to understand the passions of the country, I see significant failures and widespread alienation. What emerged from the conversations I had with people is how commonly held values (myths?) about Pakistan are not questioned or challenged. These opinions form what may be considered the "textbook" view within Pakistan.  There are voices from beyond that ask legitimate questions, but these seem to be filtered out of the media within because they criticise the basis on which the country stands. I think that this fundamentally comes down to an education system that has operated much like the state's propaganda machine where critical thinking is not encouraged.

Most people in Pakistan think of survival, so I can forgive some of the apathetic acceptance of the way things are, but if an educational culture of critical thinking were to exist, then there could be serious questions asked about the status quo. A kind of enlightenment, no less.

Malla Kalyan

Small Steps

Over the years, whilst I've always had some semblance of a plan, I have allowed myself to become slightly more open to the unexpected. One has to. It is a response mechanism, though in truth, I'm not sure how good I am at it. And always, Allah is my guide, to whom I am forever grateful for all the beautiful things I am able to see, learn about and share.

So here I am, working towards the establishment of a school. There are lots of strategic variables here that one has to be aware of and how these should be managed. Again, since this is Afghanistan, and since we are in a politically and socially sensitive situation, I choose my words and actions with care. 

There are delays - expect them - and there will be compromises along the way - expect them too, but the idea is that once the teachers are hired, I will support either by distance or by being on the ground, so there is always the probability of return visits. The vision is a good foundation to build on - and the encouragement from senior Afghans (in government and at all levels) and other influential voices, so far has been a blessing. Ameen. Afghanistan's schools need good civic education, creativity and the need to produce critical thinkers who will lead this country tomorrow. It is a long term vision and there will be challenges ahead, but it is a blessing to be part of this project and my contribution is just one small aspect of what many aspire to and dream about. 

I share a photo taken on my trusted mobile phone of the building that will be the school. Something tells me that I may be slightly overcome with emotion, when the school finally opens.

Sunset on the Hindu Kush

Sunset on the Hindu Kush. A perfectly tranquil moment taken atop the mountains outside Kabul using an Olympus SP 800UZ.