Monday 31 December 2012

Hope and Opportunity: Goodbye 2012


Sure there isn't much difference between the 11.59 31 Dec/00.00 1 Jan, but the passing of one day to the next heralds the opportunity to do things differently. Hope drives me and for what it's worth, I wish you all a brilliant new year. As the year draws to a close, I share a few images that have made this blog over the past year.

Made in Pixlr Express

Prayers and wishes for the coming year. Ameen.

Friday 28 December 2012

ښايسته افغانستان

ښايسته افغانستان
This song by Zeek Afridi is one of my favourites at the moment. Enjoy.

تور خان
Check out this post with a similar title, sung by Shafiq Mureed. 

Saturday 22 December 2012

Mayan Apocalypse

13th/14th B'ak'tun, 13.0.0.0.0

One of the things that comes up in class when I am working with children is the numerical patterns around dates such as Palindromes or those have some significant attachment. Yesterday's date was such a talking point since it was the winter solstice for those living in the northern hemisphere. However, this event was overshadowed by Mayan doom theories of the impending expiration of the Long Calendar, and with it the end of life, time and the Earth.

Hype

I have mentioned hype before and how I often feel that being swept up in popular hype goes against rational balanced thinking. This is just one of those stories and the apocalypse theories have been stirred in part by those who have taken the Long Calendar as some kind of prophesy. Even the ancient Mayans astronomers and mathematicians using their own Base 18/20 counting system did not make that claim.

One day, scientifically and/or theologically speaking the Earth will end, so this is a subject that isn't about to go away and that I may come back to explore at some further point InshAllah. As it is ... here's a video by NASA with their view on yesterday's doomsday scenario and how Al Hamdulilah, the Earth is still here one day later. 

Sunday 16 December 2012

Christmas Carol

There is something about Christmas that I don't like.

There, I've said it. Actually, there is a lot about Christmas that I don't like, but there are a lot of things about a lot of other things that I don't like too, so I will not escalate my views up to any level that may cause fractious disharmony. If I make an apology, it is for beginning my blog posting with that rather hard line (though I do have my reasons - see here for example).

Since readjusting to a society that is largely irreverent/hostile towards religion, I see an increasing tendency towards conformism. That doesn't always sit comfortably with me and I guess if I was to scrutinise my opinions, then some of these could be described as defined by my position as a Muslim. But there are other positions that are come simply from common sense. My view on Christmas is such and hasn't changed much over the years.

Yesterday, I was at a 'Christmas meal'. It was a social event organised by colleagues and one that I tried to keep an open mind about. I went along to it because in my current job, I am the newbie. I have encountered situations like this previously and I've generally remained polite and kept my opinions to myself. However, the 'celebration' reaffirmed what I already believed about conformism and if I was a Christian then I would be offended at what is done in the name of the Christ. It isn't up to me as a Muslim to save Christmas from depravity, commercialism and mindless destruction. That is the role of those who allow have allowed Christmas to become what it now is. Shame. 

Christmas? Bah humbug.


Wednesday 5 December 2012

"My People"

For a while Mariam Jaan had a presence on the blogosphere and today one of her poems gets a mention. This posting in fact is an 'archive' posting that sat in my drafts tray and never got published. It's about 2 years late as it goes as is the introductory paragraph here. Still, I think it is relevant: 

I had a conversation a couple of days ago with someone who said that the descent into chaos in the Pashtun lands was firmly attributed to the Pashtuns themselves. Typically people like him propose that Pashtun suffering is somehow deserved. The issues that plague us are complex, and there are manipulators on the outside, so that assertion is not entirely true in my opinion.We have our faults, but we have such untapped potential. We are not known for bowing our heads before others; and this is surely one of the reasons that manipulation by others continues to blight us.

"My People"

At times I feel I am writing to those who can't read.
Some of you say that God is punishing us for some sin
but how do we win a battle we have yet to even begin?
It is said that God helps those that help themselves.
What have we Pashtuns done to heal our nation's pain?
I see us doing nothing but blame "fate" and just complain.
As far as sinful people there are many than us far worse
yet do they suffer as we do with what we call our curse?
No, they rise up and for freedom they give a brave fight
God will always be on the side of his people who are right
Wishing doesn't make things happen, only our actions do!
My people, you act as if this simple fact is something new!

Mariam Jaan

Art Prints

Sunday 25 November 2012

Day Of Ashura

Yaum Al Ashura (Day of Ashura) marks many important events to Muslims, both Shia as well as Sunni. Many Sunni Muslims, for example, observe a voluntary day of fasting to observe the day that Prophet Moses (AS) freed the Israelites from the bondage of the Egyptian Pharaoh.

Along with this Muslims also remember this day as one of the most tragic events in Islamic history. Yaum Al Ashura (Day of Ashura) commemorates the Battle of Karbala (in present day Iraq) on the 10th of Moharram (61 AH).

The battle marks the conflict between a small group of supporters and the family of Imam Hussein ibn Ali, son of Ali ibn Abu Talib and grandson of Mohammed (PBUH) and a much larger military detachment from the forces of Yazid I, the Umayyad caliph, whom Hussein had refused to recognise.

Hussein and all his supporters were killed, including Hussein's six month old infant son, Ali al-Asghar ibn Husayn, and the women and children of Hussein's house were taken as prisoners. The dead are regarded as martyrs by Muslims, and the battle has a central place in Islamic history and is frequently referenced in  Islamic literature.

The events leading up to the tragedy at Karbala are at the heart of the schism that followed between the early Muslims. Even today, we are not free from the divisions; so whilst they exist and sectarianism continues to hurt the Muslims; let us remind ourselves that Moharram is both the blessed first month of the Muslim calendar and an official month of peace. 

Thursday 22 November 2012

A Family Is Like

A Family Is Like
© Nicole M. O'Neil

A family is like a circle
the connection never ends
and even if at times it breaks
in time it always mends

A family is like the stars
somehow there always there
families are those who help
who support and always care

A family is like a book
the endings never clear
but through the pages of the book
their love is always near

A family is many things
with endless words that show
who they are and what they do
and how they teach you so you know

But don’t be weary if it's broken
or if through time its been so worn
families are like that-
they're split up and always torn

But even if this happens
your family will always be
they help define just who you are
and will be apart of you eternally

  Dedicated to many many people ;)

Friday 16 November 2012

Monday 29 October 2012

The Durand Line


The matter of legitimacy in Pakistan is a sensitive subject and perhaps that is one of the reasons that I've never really been drawn into a protracted discussion on the Durand Line. However, in the same way I see India as a broader historical entity than a supposed 'Hindu' country that begins in 1947 at the Wagah Border, I think it is natural to consider my identity as a Pashtun in the broader sense; that is Afghanistan as a natural homeland and in the historic and etymological sense, Pashtun = Afghan.

It is this view of historical identity that is a sensitivity in Pakistan and is key in shaping its foreign policy. In Pakistan, the simplified version in their school textbooks is that they were carved out of British Indian territory in 1947 as a Muslim homeland. However, that would be the story for less than half of modern Pakistan, as Pakistan did not comprise Indian territory alone. Afghan territory (the Frontier/North West Frontier) under the Durand Agreement of 1893 ceded to British India was also included in Pakistan in 1947. The Durand agreement between Moritmer Durand and the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan remains heavily disputed - the claim being that it was 'forced' under duress.  

To date, the Durand Line which bisects the historic Pashtun lands remains toxic to security and economic advancement in the region. Afghanistan has never recognised it as an international boundary. Pakistan's Afghan policy, on the other other hand, has been shaped by military generals who have attempted to distract regional nationalism amongst the Pashtun and Baloch  by backing militant groups; even when this runs counter to their own domestic security. That said, despite Islamabad's bankrolling of the Afghan Taliban, the Durrand Line was not ratified as an international border during the Taliban's watch in the 1990s. This however, hasn't appeared to have changed Pakistan's policy pursuit - international commentators note that Islamabad is ready to tolerate the domestic Taliban in order to keep alive its strategic depth policy in the aftermath of NATO's withdrawal.

Afghan foreign policy still views Pakistan as artificial construct that will one day dissolve in the face of the multiple conflicts within its society. A similar point was echoed to me last year in Kabul when I met with senior members of the Afghan administration.



The disputes in the region remain territorial based on past histories. There is another aspect - one of identity which ultimately many fall back into - that cannot be ignored. One day NATO will have to go. And so it should. However, consider this comment from the LA Times:

A plausible scenario upon the large-scale departure of international troops in 2014 is either disintegration into civil conflict or a de facto division of power along ethnic lines, with a Pakistan-backed Pashtun bloc in the south and east lining up against one or more northern non-Pashtun blocs that might well gain military support from India and Uzbekistan, if not Iran. Recent signs indicate that many key players are already rushing to consolidate their positions within this framework, already operating, for all intents and purposes, in a post-2014 world.
 

Sunday 21 October 2012

ملالې تا خو لر او بر وژړو

Dedicated to Malala Yousafzai 


ملالې تا خو لر او بر وژړو
هم دې شمساد هم
دې خیبر وژړو
یه د هلک په وار پیدا ملالې
نن د افغان هر ټبر دې وژړو
د پښتونخوا هر بوټی ګل خپه دی
تا خو د ګرد وطن هر غر وژړو
ستا د قلم زوره نن خبر شو
د تور تمیانو دی لښکر وژړو
مئندې زامن نه، لوڼې غواړي
نجوني خو ژاړي تا هر نر وژړو
کاش د ضیا په ځای کي زما لورکئ وی
د وطنپال خو د
ې ځیګر وژړو

http://www.facebook.com/watan.pal

Friday 19 October 2012

The Tragedy of Malala


In this climate of agendas, I admit to some confusion about what I am being told and it is never always absolutely clear what is the truth; and what is blatant propaganda. Over the years, and particularly since I began this blog I have been offered many loose ends and have read way too many conflicting accounts to be sure all the time. This makes the events surrounding Malala Yousafzai's shooting all the more tragic. Primarily I pray for her speedy recovery and condemn the bigotry that led to her shooting. May Allah bring peace and justice to all those caught up in the ongoing war and the acts of terror in the Pakistan-Afghanistan belt. May people be afforded the right to go about their business according to their faith and conciousness free from the threat coercion or attack. Ameen. 

Part of me cannot escape noticing the ring of political and media exploitation surrounding Malala's life, or even the fact that the girls who were shot with her, Kainaat and Shazia, are all but forgotten. There is no doubt that these are remarkable individuals and I keep them all in my prayers. Out of the tragedy, I wish to see these girls strong in their resolve - to acquire the education that has been the cause of the controversy in Swat and to be part of that change that will allow them as Pashtun women to be the social equals that men and women in Bacha Khan's vision were meant to be.

This is an important parallel. Bacha Khan recognised the crucial need for education amongst the Pashtuns - for both men and women and Malala would embody that. She bravely stood up to intimidation when girls' schooling was banned in Swat and in doing so adopted a very political position. I offer this with a little caution however. To be political is one thing; to be caught up in someone else's politics is something else. Since the fall of the Taliban in Swat, Malala has been courted by the Pakistani and the world media with their varying views  - all wishing to push their own messages through her.

Note this quote from BBC World TV documentary about her made two years ago. She is twelve years old at the time.
Malala: “I want to ba a doctor but my father told me you have to be a politician. But I don’t like politics.”
Father: “My daughter can be better than a doctor.”
Malala's desire for an education was genuine and highly commendable; but she was thrust into the firing line by an ambitious father and an ambitious documentary maker apparently unconcerned by her direct statement that she was being manipulated against her will.

Having been shot, Malala has now been airlifted and is receiving world class treatment in Birmingham, England. I hope that she recovers and in the long term goes on to a happy and fulfilled life as a doctor. For most children caught in the 'War on Terror', however, the story is very different. The truth is that Malala is not getting this treatment because that is what is done for children attacked in Afghanistan and Pakistan. She is getting this treatment because she became, and remains, an exploited propaganda symbol. If people really cared about Pashtun children, Malala would not be a public figure in the way that she now is. Pashtun children would not have to 'fight' for their right to education and nor would they be filmed fighting for their lives in hospitals.  

Read this view for more thoughts on this story. 

Wednesday 26 September 2012

The Marriage of Mohammed PBUH and Aisha RA

In this climate of hysteria, I've taken this article by Myriam Francois-Cerrah from the Guardian. It makes a key point on a recurring criticism non-Muslims have of Islam. The article gives an important insight:
Writing about Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, the Orientalist scholar W Montgomery Watt wrote: "Of all the world's great men, none has been so much maligned as Muhammad." His quote seems all the more poignant in light of the Islamophobic film Innocence of Muslims, which has sparked riots from Yemen to Libya and which, among other slanders, depicts Muhammad as a paedophile.

This claim is a recurring one among critics of Islam, so its foundation deserves close scrutiny.

Critics allege that Aisha was just six years old when she was betrothed to Muhammad, himself in his 50s, and only nine when the marriage was consummated. They base this on a saying attributed to Aisha herself (Sahih Bukhari volume 5, book 58, number 234), and the debate on this issue is further complicated by the fact that some Muslims believe this to be a historically accurate account. Although most Muslims would not consider marrying off their nine-year-old daughters, those who accept this saying argue that since the Qur'an states that marriage is void unless entered into by consenting adults, Aisha must have entered puberty early.

They point out that, in seventh-century Arabia, adulthood was defined as the onset of puberty. (This much is true, and was also the case in Europe: five centuries after Muhammad's marriage to Aisha, 33-year-old King John of England married 12-year-old Isabella of Angoulême.) Interestingly, of the many criticisms of Muhammad made at the time by his opponents, none focused on Aisha's age at marriage.

According to this perspective, Aisha may have been young, but she was not younger than was the norm at the time. Other Muslims doubt the very idea that Aisha was six at the time of marriage, referring to historians who have questioned the reliability of Aisha's age as given in the saying. In a society without a birth registry and where people did not celebrate birthdays, most people estimated their own age and that of others. Aisha would have been no different. What's more, Aisha had already been engaged to someone else before she married Muhammad, suggesting she had already been mature enough by the standards of her society to consider marriage for a while. It seems difficult to reconcile this with her being six.

In addition, some modern Muslim scholars have more recently cast doubt on the veracity of the saying, or hadith, used to assert Aisha's young age. In Islam, the hadith literature (sayings of the prophet) is considered secondary to the Qur'an. While the Qur'an is considered to be the verbatim word of God, the hadiths were transmitted over time through a rigorous but not infallible methodology. Taking all known accounts and records of Aisha's age at marriage, estimates of her age range from nine to 19.

Because of this, it is impossible to know with any certainty how old Aisha was. What we do know is what the Qur'an says about marriage: that it is valid only between consenting adults, and that a woman has the right to choose her own spouse. As the living embodiment of Islam, Muhammad's actions reflect the Qur'an's teachings on marriage, even if the actions of some Muslim regimes and individuals do not.

Sadly, in many countries, the imperatives motivating the marriage of young girls are typically economic. In others, they are political. The fact that Iran and Saudi Arabia have both sought to use the saying concerning Aisha's age as a justification for lowering the legal age of marriage tells us a great deal about the patriarchal and oppressive nature of those regimes, and nothing about Muhammad, or the essential nature of Islam. The stridency of those who lend credence to these literalist interpretations by concurring with their warped view of Islam does not help those Muslims who seek to challenge these aberrations.

The Islamophobic depiction of Muhammad's marriage to Aisha as motivated by misplaced desire fits within a broader Orientalist depiction of Muhammad as a philanderer. This idea dates back to the crusades. According to the academic Kecia Ali: "Accusations of lust and sensuality were a regular feature of medieval attacks on the prophet's character and, by extension, on the authenticity of Islam."

Since the early Christians heralded Christ as a model of celibate virtue, Muhammad – who had married several times – was deemed to be driven by sinful lust. This portrayal ignored the fact that before his marriage to Aisha, Muhammad had been married to Khadija, a powerful businesswoman 15 years his senior, for 25 years. When she died, he was devastated and friends encouraged him to remarry. A female acquaintance suggested Aisha, a bright and vivacious character.

Aisha's union would also have cemented Muhammad's longstanding friendship with her father, Abu Bakr. As was the tradition in Arabia (and still is in some parts of the world today), marriage typically served a social and political function – a way of uniting tribes, resolving feuds, caring for widows and orphans, and generally strengthening bonds in a highly unstable and changing political environment. Of the women Muhammad married, the majority were widows. To consider the marriages of the prophet outside of these calculations is profoundly ahistorical.

What the records are clear on is that Muhammad and Aisha had a loving and egalitarian relationship, which set the standard for reciprocity, tenderness and respect enjoined by the Qur'an. Insights into their relationship, such as the fact they liked to drink out of the same cup or race one another, are indicative of a deep connection which belies any misrepresentation of their relationship.

To paint Aisha as a victim is completely at odds with her persona. She was certainly no wallflower. During a controversial battle in Muslim history, she emerged riding a camel to lead the troops. She was known for her assertive temperament and mischievous sense of humour – with Muhammad sometimes bearing the brunt of the jokes. During his lifetime, he established her authority by telling Muslims to consult her in his absence; after his death, she went to be become one of the most prolific and distinguished scholars of her time.

A stateswoman, scholar, mufti, and judge, Aisha combined spirituality, activism and knowledge and remains a role model for many Muslim women today. The gulf between her true legacy and her depiction in Islamophobic materials is not merely historically inaccurate, it is an insult to the memory of a pioneering woman.

Those who manipulate her story to justify the abuse of young girls, and those who manipulate it in order to depict Islam as a religion that legitimises such abuse have more in common than they think. Both demonstrate a disregard for what we know about the times in which Muhammad lived, and for the affirmation of female autonomy which her story illustrates.
 Taken from the Guardian

Wednesday 19 September 2012

Innocence of Muslims

Two things. First, it would appear that we still need a 'bogeyman'. To be able to define our own values, it seems easier to be able to point to the values that make us nervous. Secondly, history is written by those in power and power today is in the collective hands of the 'western' media. Whether this is print media or the various forms of digital media - internet, television and so on; those who control the media undoubtedly have the greatest influence on collective thought. In a media climate where sensation sells and profits comes before anything else; nothing is really sacred.

As we have previously seen and have often discussed on these pages, Muslims are repeatedly cast as the 'bogeyman' in the current media narrative. We are easily portrayed as irrational, volatile and confrontational or hopeless victims trapped by faith and in need of liberal intervention to uplift us. It's a simplistic media view and is formed by the majority with power. 

It therefore surprises few then, that an obscure amateur film targeting Islam with ridicule should now be the focus of considerable public attention. Protests linked to the film in Benghazi, Libya led to an attack on the US embassy and the killing of the US ambassador and similar protests have taken a grip in many other major cities in the Muslim world, and here in London too.


The reaction by Muslims itself generates debates on whether a response that is a violent reflex action, is wise. Do Muslims themselves send out the right signals and is this in accordance with the commonly agreed teachings of Islam? Muslims, of course, are diverse and the truth is there is little chance of a uniform response - even at the individual level, we do not all respond in the same manner to the challenges that face us. However, there is a vacant space between the those in power and the Muslim masses, so I guess, it matters not. The film was a deliberate jibe and the violence in protest to the film was fairly predictable especially since many Muslims are frustrated by injustices - some internal and stemming from the societies in which they live and others external - anti-Islamism coming from a media machinery that continues to reinforce stereotypes and irreligiosity. I think left alone, Muslims are more than able to find their own way.

Ultimately the unequal relationship between the Muslim world and the west hurts Muslims the most. From where we stand this is likely to continue to be a long and protracted power struggle.

May Allah keep us all safe and in faith.

Sunday 9 September 2012

Email Blues

Some time ago, I mentioned an interest in taking a MOOC. I had thought that by way of extending my knowledge in an area of interest of mine, this would be ideal preparation to the doctorate I wish to participate in at some point, InshAllah.

I confess that some of the knowledge aspects of the learning opportunity from the MOOC have been good, but the experience is not without some reservations. Ironically, it is the "Massive" part of the open online course that I have found to be the most challenging. Example: as part of the course, I am expected to participate in weekly forum discussions. Approved posts notch up points which are used in part to assess overall progress, so there is some incentive to take part in forum discussions. The problem I have found is that in participating, one ends up subscribing to a discussion threads - that every time a posting is made to a thread that I have participated in, it would generate an email notification. I suspected this anyway so I purposely kept my participation only to the most relevant topics of discussion. That said, with 26 thousand global participants in the Coursera MOOC, my inbox has been bursting with over a hundred posts daily.


I am a man with other responsibilities, time constraints and realistically it is near impossible to sift through all those posts and respond in detail. This must affect the learning experience, because by Week 2 of the eight week course, I am reticent to participate in new threads. 

MOOCs - the future of online learning? Put it this way, I liked the idea at the start ...

Friday 24 August 2012

Bienvenue à Paris!

Salaam. Paris calling. Bonjour tout le monde. Je vous écris cette lettre de Paris.

It's been complicated, and even though I should be familiar with the damp, I'm not quite over the weather shock after having moved from the Arabian deserts to Yorkshire. Whilst I've made a certain peace, I have needed to make minor escapes after feeling trapped by the terminally wet and grey skies - even if crossing the Pennines to view things differently (not that much to be honest), though most recently I had some time in the heart of London, which, of course, is a city which I have always found to be an exciting and dynamic place. 

Over the Eid break, I took the long train journey from the north of England picking up the Eurostar Service from London Kings Cross/St Pancras International to Paris, Garre du Nord. I have been staying close to the Rue de Quatre Septembre in the 2nd Arrondissement (2e) in the area known as Opera. The summer air, tight cobbled streets and open air cafe atmosphere has been a welcome relief and yes, I've done the touristy things as well - taken an open top bus ride to see the sights - Notre Dame, the Latin Quartre, the Seine etc. I've paid a visit to the Louvre, seen da Vinci's Mona Lisa and taken the walk along the Jardin de Tuileries, the Place de la Concorde, the fashionable Champs-Élysées and the Arc de Triomphe. Of course, no trip to Paris is complete without a trip up the Eiffel Tower.  

Aujourd'hui, c'est ma dernière nuit à Paris. Here's taster photograph. More to follow InshAllah.

Sunday 19 August 2012

Two-Nation Theory II

... continued from previous posting ... 
Despite its vociferous campaign Muslim League could not ignite fears of Hindu domination in the support base of Bacha Khan. His comrades won the land mark elections of 1946 with a thumping majority. He opposed the Partition on the basis of religion, but it happened. His democratically elected government was dismissed 8 days after the independence, on 22 August, 1947 when Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the Governor General and Liaqat Ali Khan was the Prime Minister.

Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan was five-years younger to Bacha Khan. He was born in 1895 to a Muslim aristocrat family whose jagir starting at the eastern edge of Punjab (now Haryana) stretched into Uttar Pradesh. His family had cordial relations with the British. Some say the family gained fortunes and earned intimacy with the Raj, when his grandfather extended support to the British during the hard times of 1857. His father earned many a titles and honors too.

Liaqat Ali went to Aligarh and then to Oxford. On his return from London in 1923, he joined Muslim League. He contested his first elections in 1926 on a seat reserved for Muslims in the UP Assembly (Muzaffarnagar constituency) and comfortably won. He grew into an eloquent parliamentarian, pleading mostly for the causes of Muslim landlords who were a minority in that province.

He became one of the most important members of the Muslim League’s vanguard. Nawabzada is, in fact, credited to have convinced a dejected and disappointed Muhammad Ali Jinnah to end his ‘self-imposed exile’ in London and lead the movement for a separate homeland for Muslims. Liaqat Ali Khan was made the General Secretary of the Muslim League in 1936.

The party’s parliamentary committee did not award him the ticket for the 1936 elections for his home constituency which he valued highly. Despite holding a high office in the Muslim League, he contested as an independent from his home constituency and faced criticism of fellow party men.

He contested the 1946 elections for the Central Legislative Assembly on the Muslim seat of Meerut that is situated in Uttar Pradesh. Following this victory, Nawabzada won a place in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and at independence was made the first Prime Minister with the additional charge of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations and Defense. He remained the longest serving prime minister in the history of Pakistan till Yousuf Raza Gilani exceeded him by a few weeks recently.

Prime Minister Liaqat Ali is accredited with a number of ground breaking contributions. He decided to ally with the US in the Cold War divide; quashed a coup attempt by communists; promoted General Ayub to the highest rank and fought a war with India over Kashmir to name just a select few. His government ruled on ad hoc basis under temporary laws as it could not formulate and build a consensus on a constitution for the country.

Reasons were simple. They could not dig out a monarchy to rule the country nor could they install a Caliph. The constitution has to be based on democracy. But the problem was that Meerut was now in India. The most powerful Prime Minister serving for one of the longest periods in the history of Pakistan had no constituency in the country to contest elections from. A committed democrat and an active parliamentarian, he  knew well that he and his political class had no, or at best a very shaky, future under a democracy. In contrast, Bacha Khan’s was a completely secure political position. It was impossible to democratically uproot him from his constituency. He had voters, volunteers and diehard loyalists.

The ad hoc powers were thus used to change the rules of the game.

Six months after the death of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan moved the Objective Resolution in the Constituent Assembly that introduced Islam as the raison d’être of the new country. Religion was pitched against ones linguistic and cultural identity and faith was made to rival political interests. Those loving their culture, defending their language and demanding their democratic and political rights on these bases became heretics conspiring against the last citadel of Islam in the Subcontinent. Ideological boundaries of the country became more important than the limits of electoral constituencies and principles of democracy were contrasted to injunctions of Islam as defined by the select ulema.

Bacha Khan who enjoyed a hard earned and unflinching popular support in a vast constituency went down in our official gazettes as an anti-Pakistan traitor. Red Shirts were hounded and hunted. Politicians were jailed and elections were rigged.

By declaring the entire country as one constituency and setting ones perceived Islamic credentials as the only qualification, Liaqat Ali Khan tried to create a constituency for his class – the politically insecure Muslim elite that had migrated from the Muslim minority provinces of India. But ironically, they could not sustain their hold on this constituency for long. Within a decade they were outdone by the Army in the game they had pioneered. They were declared incapable of defending the citadel of Islam. The army took over the ‘responsibility’ of keeping the country united in the name of Islam and secure from the conspirators who had strong democratic constituencies in the country.

The army did not feel the need to redraft the national narrative that was scripted in those initial years. It was found to be in perfect harmony with the Army’s own scheme to block or cripple democracy and sustain its direct or indirect rule for decades to come. The narrative persists with all its detail and corollaries and insists on its refusal to recognise Bacha Khan as a great national hero.

Friday 17 August 2012

Two-Nation Theory I

This write up is taken from an article in the Dawn newspaper by Tehir Mehdi. It challenges the Two-Nation Theory that is cited as the raison d'être of Pakistan. Interestingly it makes the point that despite Bacha Khan remaining a pious Muslim he did not harbour the antagonisms that fuelled partition. For this reason and the cultural closeness to Afghanistan, the Khudai Khidmatgars were viewed as having not accepted the Two Nation theory. Bacha Khan and Pashtoons of the Khudai Khidmatgars were systematically jailed under charges of treason and their contributions to the Free India movement were written out of the texts of Pakistan history.
When someone says ‘Muslims of Indo-Pak subcontinent’ with reference to our history, does this refer to one unanimous, monolithic block of people with no shades and diversity? I think it’s a big folly to ignore how divergent the political interests and ambitions of Muslims were in the period that ended on this day 65 years ago. A reintroduction to these groups and how the new state of Pakistan responded to their political aspirations might help us understand where we stand now.

Pre-partition Muslims can be classified in many ways. For now I would put them into two larger groups and instead of laboring over an academically-sound definition of each, I will demonstrate my point by offering example of one person from each of these two groups.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born in 1890 to rural middle-class Pakhtun parents of Utmanzai, a small town in the present day district of Charssadda. At the age of 20 he opened a school in his village. He had woken up to the fact that his people have no future if they don’t educate themselves and their children. The tall, young man proved to be a zealous missionary. He would walk for miles from one village to the other with his simple message – educate yourself and abstain from violence. He was a devout Muslim, a five-timer namazi parhaizgar and would draw heavily from Islamic history and the Prophet’s sayings to rally fellow Pakhtuns. People joined him in droves. His arcane appeal matured into charisma, some would even give him a halo.

In his 30s, he founded a social reform movement named Khudai Khidmatgar (Servants of God). By now he was named Badshah Khan or Bacha Khan. The movement, like many others of that era, gave its volunteers a uniform that was red and organised them on the pattern of a militia that was, in his words, armed “with the weapon of the Prophet – that is, patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it.” It was only Bacha Khan who could unarm Pakhtuns who otherwise were considered quarrelsome and trigger-happy.

The Red Shirts, as the volunteers of the movement were known as, were against the British rule and demanded self government. For the British, the then province of NWFP had great strategic importance. It was a so-called buffer against the Afghan government that was not friendly with the Raj and also against the Russians whom the British dreaded as their rivals.

The Bolshevik revolution of Russia in 1917 was emerging as a huge challenge for Imperialism. It had a natural affinity with the nations oppressed by the British. The Russian revolution was colored red. The sight of a Red Shirt in the Peshawar valley gave the British a fright. At Qisa Khani Bazar in 1930, the frenzied British forces fired directly at a protest rally of unarmed Khudai Khidmatgars killing many hundreds. The movement and its committed cadre did not budge. They stood fast. Many estimate that at its peak there were as many as a hundred thousand Red Shirts.

When the British adopted a cautious policy of sharing power with local political forces and initiated limited franchise elections, the group allied with Indian National Congress. It contested successive elections, won majority and formed governments in the province. As the British hated them, they would conspire against the Red Shirts and jailed Bacha Khan frequently and for long periods but could not undo the politicisation of the Pakhtun middle class that he had initiated.

Pakhtun Muslims felt comfortable with Congress and that didn’t bear out of some personal friendship between the top leaders. Congress accommodated politics of budding smaller sub-national groups, offered them space for growth and opportunity to integrate with others without giving much consideration to religion. On the other hand, Bacha Khan did not owe his ‘fearlessness’ vis a vis Hindus to Pakhtun chivalric traditions, instead he had earned this confidence through successive electoral victories. He had a large constituency where Muslims were in majority. There were Hindus too but Pakhtun Muslims did not see Pakhtun Hindus as threat to their religion or politics.
... continued in the next post ...

Thursday 16 August 2012

The Road to Pakistan

Partition: I include this reflection on partition and the emergence of Pakistan. It draws on the points that were made in the previous posting. Importantly it argues that the reasons for Pakistan were less to do with religion itself, but the preservation of the privileges of a narrow band of landed aristocrats.
Before the 1940s, the membership of Muslim League was solely comprised of non-practicing Muslim landed aristocracy. They had enjoyed fruits of British colonialism, who had bestowed upon them fiefdoms on which they had lorded over. They never wanted Independence from British, whom they considered taller, fairer and worthier rulers. Indeed, Muslim League consistently opposed India's independence, never took part in any agitation, or launched any significant mass movement. They were very comfortable with the status-quo.

The arrival of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi changed everything. He transformed the independence movement from a debating society to a mass mobilization. He injected his own brand of socialism into the movement. This scared the the Muslim as well as Hindu zamindars. They knew that if British left, their titles will be abolished and land distributed amongst the poor farmers on whom they had preyed upon in the past. The Hindu feudals were complete marginalized by the Congress. However, the non-practicing Muslim feudals launched the movement for Pakistan.


Aside from the landed aristocracy, until 1940s, the majority of Indian Muslims as well as Muslim scholars opposed the creation of Pakistan. . They opposed Pakistan Movement not because they supported secularism. On the contrary, they opposed it because they genuinely believed that the Pakistan's creation would hurt their long-term objective of spreading Islam in India through Da'wah. Even Maulana Maududi objected to Pakistan. Nevertheless, after the Pakistan movement gained momentum, the majority of Muslims voted for the Muslim League led by Mohammad Ali Jinnah whose slogan was 'Pakistan ka matlab kya. La ilaha illallah' over the Congress Party which was under the leadership of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi.

Pakistan's creation was thus an accident of history. As I explained above, the Muslim aristocracy was afraid of losing their undeserved wealth, so they demanded disproportional representation for Muslims, in the legislative assemblies to preserve their privileges, anticipating that the illiterate, poor Muslim masses would be easily manipulated by the use of religious rhetoric. Thus, Pakistan Movement was meant as a bargaining chip, they had no intention of going through with it. There was no actual partition or post-partition plan. Indian National Congress called Muslim League's bluff. Jinnah called for Direct Action Day in August 1946 as a show of strength of Muslims. Wide-spread communal riots first in Bengal then in other parts of India followed. From that day onwards, because of the hatred that ensued, Pakistan was fait accompali. The partition was ensured whether Muslim League leaders wanted it or not. 

This lack of planning is the reason why Pakistan has stumbled from one political crisis to another since its inception, and it took almost 10 years to frame Pakistani constitution (which would later be mutilated multiple times). And, unlike India, no land redistribution took place in Pakistan. The secular non-practicing Muslim aristocrats have new fiefdoms to lord over in Pakistan.

Indeed on his deathbed Mr. Jinnah admitted that he had committed a great blunder by creating a "mutilated, moth-eaten" Pakistan.
Drona, August 2012. PashtunForums 

For additional reading see the follow-up post: Two Muslim Theory

Wednesday 15 August 2012

Partition: 1947

This post coincides with the 65th anniversary of 'Independence' - that point in 1947 marking the end of the British Raj and the division of the Indian subcontinent into the Union of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The entire subject remain complex though over the next couple of posts, I hope to explore a few thoughts and opinions on the matter. In this post I begin by starting with a brief history.


British Colonial administration did not directly rule all of "India". There were several different political arrangements: Provinces were ruled directly and the Princely States had varying legal independent arrangements.The Indian National Congress formed in 1884 by a mixture of Indian (Hindu and Muslim) and English activists led for the initial calls to have more Indian representation within the administration.

By 1906 the All India Muslim League had been formed in Dhaka in reaction to what some elite Muslims viewed as Hindu dominance in Congress. As the appeal of Mohandas Gandhi and the Free India movement increased, a number of different scenarios were proposed. Amongst the first to make the demand for a separate state was the philosopher Allama Iqbal, who, in his presidential address to the 1930 convention of the Muslim League, proposed a separate nation for Muslims.

The 1946 Cabinet Mission aimed to reach an agreement between Congress and the Muslim League amid growing tension. Nehru, leading Congress was unwilling to accept a decentralised state and Jinnah, leading the Muslim League (made up largely of the 'secular' landed Muslim elite) returned a demand for Pakistan as a bargaining chip. Initially most Muslims opposed partition and there was no pre or post Pakistan 'plan' right up to the announcement in June 1947 that the British had set a date for handover.

Religious communalism fuelled the British decision to exit early (Lord Louis Mountbatten having just been made Viceroy of India in February 1947) and sealed - by accident - the decision to partition the subcontinent. Sir Cyril Radcliffe never having visited India before was employed to draw the boundaries between the two states in July 1947 five weeks before the end of British rule. On August 15 1947, India was granted her independence, and Pakistan the day before. Note, this was before Radcliffe Boundary Committee had made the announcement on the boundaries and before either country knew their borders. Significantly, partition led to the biggest sudden movement of people in human history  - with up to 12 to 15 million people uprooted within a short period and the after effects felt for years.

More in my next postings ...

Wednesday 8 August 2012

Massive Open Online Courses: MOOCs


The combination of education and technology brings new opportunities for sharing content and learning and I have a key interest in distance learning, having successfully gone through the process. Despite some obvious challenges - such as the need to maintain your skills of self reliance, generally, I have enjoyed being part of a technologically connected international learning community. Some time back in this blog, I did mention Curt Bonk's enthusiasm for on-line learning too. In my case it meant that I could pursue an academic programme whilst living overseas and crucially meant that I didn't have to give up my full-time work order to do so. In fact in many ways, the DTCE programme at Manchester University was the 'genesis' for this blog (specifically it was a unit taught at a distance on Emerging Technologies that required my thoughts and input that was the key factor in accelerating me towards becoming a regular blogger). However, it is the overall experience of distance learning in my vocational area of education that is the key discussion point here, and the fact that I am now contemplating further academic study through a blended course that involves some distance and some face-to-face contact suggests that - for some - distance programmes remain a valuable opportunity to pursue further learning. Watch this space, but yes, a doctorate is something that I most certainly would like to complete, InshAllah.

I occupy several spaces to be honest - I have worked at the chalkface as a teacher in a variety or national and international state and private settings and I have worked in consultancy and in advisory roles aiming to build capacity. Each setting has its own specifics. A good example would be how primary education is about developing the 'whole child' and how university education is about developing knowledge and understanding in specific academic areas.

We still live in a world where we expect much of our formal learning to be accredited, so that still remains an important point for pursuing a university programme in my opinion so there are some drawbacks with no-fee MOOCs (Massive Open On-line Courses). In fact, if it simply comes down to distribution of course notes/learning materials then there is little to differentiate it with what is already available/downloadable on the Internet in general. Interaction between students and between students and content and tutors is key and that remains yet to be seen. But since some prime universities seem to be investing time in opening up course modules to the world, then perhaps there is some to be experienced and learned hopefully. I've decided to sign up for two courses in areas of interest - education being one of them, naturally, but I wanted to have a go at Life Sciences and specifically, I am interested in learning more about Sustainable Environment. 

I'm potentially excited by the possibilities, but really, is anything for free? 

Watch this space.


Read more here and here.

Tuesday 7 August 2012

Earth Calling Mars

or rather Mars Calling Earth ...

Curiosity, the name given to NASAs latest Mars exploration rover touched down yesterday on the red planet itself, to start its 2 year mission (1 Martian year). I've always been fascinated with Space and the human pursuit of pushing back the frontiers to learn more about what lies beyond. This little animated video from NASA offers an insight into how Curiosity will send messages back to Earth. Oh, and you can connect to Curiosity via Twitter. Apparently, this robot has "her" own Twitter account.

Monday 6 August 2012

Coming of the Crowds

My voice rings out, this time, from Damascus
It rings out from the house of my mother and father

Morally speaking, I do not think that we can really disconnect ourselves from politics - but the problem with politics is the disconnect between the perceptions of those who lead and those whom they claim to serve. I believe that my cynicism can be applied universally to all politics, though increasingly and rather specifically the Syrian leader, Bashar Al Assad has not recognised the winds of change in the neighbourhood.  What we appear to be witnessing is a repeat situation of the type leadership that is guided by its own ego and vanity whilst Syria continues to tumble downwards in an erratic free fall. It is true that the world covertly intervenes by offering moral support to the Free Syrian Army and many regional and international saboteurs are likely to hijack the process with the likely scenario that the said leadership will fail to act on the inevitable and will continue to attempt to quell opposition voices with armed brutality. Few, who see clearly, would choose to go to war with their own people, so ultimately Bashar Al Assad's actions appear to spell fatality. At this stage, Allah knows best of course, but it seems that the moral responsibility seems to be with the crowds and not those in power, be that the regime or those intervening. Real power, as witnessed by the Arab Spring and its continuing after effects, lies with the people.

Thinking about the region, we only need to cast some thought back to when Saddam Hussain was ousted after years of resistance and the euphoria that ensued after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak etc. The headlines were typically jubilant - another 'fallen dictator'; 'victory to the people'; 'freedom' and a 'new beginning'. There was a strong sentiment amongst the people of these places that led them to rebellion and in the background the media has had a key role. Whilst the media is drawn to the suffering to make its headlines; foreign political movers and shakers make mileage out of this. Again, the morality of those within politics is sometimes up for question.

Significantly, post the celebrations, many revolutions are followed by a period of public disorder and shaky security. How long this goes on for and how long the international political goodwill towards the revolutionaries lasts varies. In general, the track record is not optimistic. Even after successive fallen governments across the middle east and beyond; we still question whether the world is safer and people are more prosperous as a result. Often the corruption of a few within a police state, is replaced by a break-down/free for all by the masses.

What now happens in Syria over the coming period remains yet to be seen. It is Ramadhan - and technically a month of peace when Muslims should put down their arms and focus on the spiritual. 

Friday 27 July 2012

Olympic Values


London 2012 is upon us. Already the there have been some soccer tournaments and the official opening ceremony will be held later today. I love the city of London and when I was there over a month ago, the preparations for the Olympics (and the Jubilee) were evident everywhere. Good luck London!

Let us remind ourselves of the Olympic (and Paralympic) values which could be applied to us all in everyday life:

The Olympic Values:

  • Respect – fair play; knowing one’s own limits; and taking care of one’s health and the environment
  • Excellence – how to give the best of oneself, on the field of play or in life; taking part; and progressing according to one’s own objectives
  • Friendship – how, through sport, to understand each other despite any differences

The Paralympic Values:

  • Determination – the drive and motivation to overcome both physical and mental barriers in order to achieve your goals
  • Courage – having the self-belief and confidence to overcome adversity and face difficulty
  • Equality – showing respect and humility towards all those around you in the spirit of fair play
  • Inspiration – to be motivated by the achievements and actions of others and to be a positive example to others

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